U.S. intervention in Latin America: when is it time to stop?
Nicaragua and Colombia went before the International Court of Justice in September 2021 as the first step towards resolving alleged violations of Nicaraguan sovereignty in the Caribbean.
While Nicaragua was granted an exclusive economic zone around Colombia’s San Andres islands in 2012, Colombia’s navy has continued to patrol the area in an effort to fight drug trafficking and to protect its biosphere reserve. Nicaragua initiated a legal case against Colombia arguing that they are infringing on Nicaraguan fishing rights. Likewise, Colombia accuses Nicaragua of infringing on the ancestral fishing rights of San Andres residents and attempting to unilaterally expand its maritime borders.
Unwanted U.S. involvement in Latin America has become a complicating factor for both nations in this dispute. The Esguerra-Bárcenas treaty, signed by Nicaragua and Colombia in 1928, officiated Colombia’s sovereignty over the island region. The treaty was later brought before the International Court of Justice, who in 2012 left open the demarcation of boundaries of sovereignty over key reefs and banks. Nothing was stipulated about these areas in the original treaty because Colombia was contesting them with the United States at the time. Colombia therefore argues that Nicaragua has no right to jurisdiction over the banks and reefs because they hadn’t previously thrown their hat in the ring. Nicaragua, however, points out that their country was occupied by the United States at the time the treaty was signed, rendering the agreement invalid.
The United States, therefore, has muddied relations between Nicaragua and Colombia for nearly a century, and it remains tied to both countries, albeit currently in a more mutually beneficial manner. The U.S. is the largest trading partner of both countries, with Colombia being the country’s 25th largest supplier of goods imports and Nicaragua the 57th. Whereas neither Nicaragua nor Colombia’s fishing industries are a significant part of their relationship with the United States, the past and present entanglement of the three countries could prove difficult to extricate if Nicaragua-Colombia relations worsen due to this dispute.
Should the International Court allow Colombia to continue patrolling those waters in an effort to stop drug trafficking, Nicaragua may be emboldened to effectively expand its maritime borders. This could potentially escalate the country’s current territorial disputes with Costa Rica and Honduras as well as provide incentive for the United States to intervene.
Should the International Court prohibit Colombia from patrolling those waters, the United States could be encouraged to interfere in the region to fight another battle in the Latin American war on drugs.
Either way, the United States could see fit to insert themselves. This is not a risk it can afford to take considering the trade relationship it has with both countries, especially as outrage over the treatment of Central American migrants is skyrocketing. Attempting to solve an overseas issue by proxy before resolving the one pressing up against its own borders could prove messy and dysfunctional.
Domestic repercussions would be nothing compared to international ones, though. Current cycles of violence in countries like Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras can be partially attributed to past US involvement. Inserting ourselves into this seemingly mundane territorial dispute could have consequences as large as those of the Guatemalan coup, Salvadoran Civil War, and Honduran coup. All three were exacerbated by U.S. involvement and the fallout of all three can be felt to this day.
As the United States considers further muddling relations in Nicaragua and Colombia, it must consider whether the effects will stop here. Is it worth the possible collateral damage of internal Latin American dysfunction, Nicaragua-Colombia relations, and U.S. relations with the entire region? Looking at the long and bloody history of U.S. involvement in Latin America and their persistent ramifications, the answer seems to be a resounding no.
Riley Swain is originally from Carpinteria, California. She is studying International Politics in the School of Foreign Service Class of 2025.