Strikes and Swing States: The Impact of Biden’s Visit to A UAW Picket Line

Photo via Associated Press

ZOE SOMMER: The United Auto Workers’ strike expanded on Sept. 22 when 5,625 workers at 38 General Motors and Stellantis distribution centers joined the union’s ongoing protest for better wages, benefits, and working conditions. 

The strike began after the UAW’s four year contract with Ford, GM and Stellantis expired on midnight Sept. 14, and prior negotiations regarding future contracts failed to meet the union’s demands. Around 13,000 UAW workers across three major auto plants in Missouri, Michigan and Ohio catalyzed the strike on Sept. 15. 

By Sept. 19, only negotiations with Ford had advanced significantly, leading UAW President Shawn Fain to threaten the strike’s proliferation if “serious progress” was not made in talks between the union, GM and Stellantis. No such headway occurred. Consequently, on Sept. 22, the strike expanded from three facilities in three states to 38 GM and Stellantis assembly plants and distribution centers in 20 states. 

The UAW’s demands include a 36% increase in wages over four years, company-paid retiree health care, a shorter work week, a tiered wage system, an expanded number of workers who qualify for pension, cost-of-living adjustments to compensate for inflation and job security for workers if manufacturers close plants in the future. 

The stipulation for substantial wage increase has become one of the most contentious points in these negotiations. This demand stems from the fact that automakers have reported record profits over the past decade, with chief executives of all three aforementioned companies enjoying a 40% increase in pay gains over the past four years. Wages for auto workers, however, have only increased by 6% within the same time frame. Originally, the UAW demanded that the companies increase wages by 40%, but that stipulation has since dropped to 36%.  

All three companies have created proposals that offer workers a 20% pay increase over four years, but maintain the necessity of a 40 hour work week, contrary to UAW’s demand for a 32 hour work week. Their reasoning for not meeting all of UAW’s requests is rooted in claims that the significant financial investment needed to shift production to battery-powered vehicles makes it difficult for companies to pay workers such substantially higher wages. Notably, this transition has not hindered companies’ abilities to raise their executives’ pay.   

On Sept. 26, President Biden addressed UAW strikers outside of a Michigan GM facility, making him the first U.S. president to visit a picket line. Unions, such as the UAW, tend to back Democratic candidates. However, the UAW has yet to endorse Biden in the 2024 presidential race. Furthermore, blue collar workers, who make up the bulk of the strikers, have increasingly voted Republican. 

Popular sentiment among striking workers appeared to be unaffected by Biden’s visit, with many instead testifying that his appearance was largely performative. Despite Biden’s assertion that he is the most pro-union president in U.S. history, his blockage of a railroad strike last December and his policies regarding electric vehicle output have put him at odds with many UAW voters. 

Former president Trump, Biden’s leading opponent, met with workers on Sept. 27 at a non-union auto plant. UAW workers criticized his decision to appear at a non-union plant, making his visit just as, if not even less effective than Biden’s. 

Mike Lowery, a 50-year-old production operator from Detroit, effectively summed up the outcome of both president’s appearances: “They just want our endorsement. They talked a good game, but we’re still out here.” His response is perhaps indicative of nationwide fatigue over the partisan political battles that dominate the media, but do little to address the every-day needs of workers. 

Regardless of such discontent, with UAW strikes in over 20 states, Trump and Biden’s future engagement with the UAW may be crucial in each candidate’s ability to garner support among working-class voters in battleground states. 

Zoe Sommer is a freshman in the SFS from Trumbull, Connecticut. She is a staff writer at On the Record and hopes to study international politics.